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Personality and Social Psychology Review Copyright © 2003 by
2003, Vol. 7, No. 4, 349–361 Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
The Group Engagement Model: Procedural Justice, Social Identity, and
Cooperative Behavior
Tom R. Tyler
Department of Psychology
New York University
Steven L. Blader
Stern School of Business
New York University
The group engagement model expands the insights of the group-value model of pro-
cedural justice and the relational model of authority into an explanation for why
procedural justice shapes cooperation in groups, organizations, and societies. It hy-
pothesizes that procedures are important because they shape people’s social iden-
tity within groups, and social identity in turn influences attitudes, values, and be-
haviors. The model further hypothesizes that resource judgments exercise their
influence indirectly by shaping social identity. This social identity mediation hy-
pothesis explains why people focus on procedural justice, and in particular on pro-
cedural elements related to the quality of their interpersonal treatment, because
those elements carry the most social identity-relevant information. In this article,
wereview several key insights of the group engagement model, relate these insights
to important trends in psychological research on justice, and discuss implications
of the model for the future of procedural justice research.
The original goal of social justice research was In this article, we put forth a theoretical model
to demonstrate the power of justice judgments to thatdevelopsfromthefindingsofearliermodelsand
shape people’s thoughts, feelings, and actions (Ty- shifts in the focus of justice research. Specifically,
ler, 2000; Tyler, Boeckmann, Smith, & Huo, 1997; wepresenttheoryandresearchonourgroupengage-
Tyler & Smith, 1997). Justice studies have, in fact, mentmodel,whichdrawstogethertheinsightsofthe
continually provided strong and consistent demon- group-valuemodelofproceduraljustice(Lind&Ty-
strations of support for this basic justice hypothe- ler, 1988) and the relational model of authority (Ty-
sis. Justice has an impact; it is substantial in magni- ler & Lind, 1992) and extends them to understand
tude; it is consistently found across a wide variety the antecedents of cooperation in groups (Tyler &
of group and organizational contexts; and it is dis- Blader, 2000). The argument underlying the group
tinct from judgments of self-interest or per- engagement model is that people’s focus on proce-
-
sonal/group gain. This conclusion suggests that in -
dural justice sheds light on their motivations for en
formation about justice is central to people’s -
gaging in groups, and thus the model explicitly pos
evaluations of social situations (Tyler et al., 1997; its what those motivations are. In so doing, it
vandenBos&Lind,2002). contributes to our understanding of what people are
Justice research has evolved a great deal in the seekingwhentheyinvolvethemselvesingroupsand
process of developing these insights about the role the importance of justice in social settings. The
-
of justice in social contexts. Numerous models re model also suggests some innovative directions for
lated to the justice phenomenahavebeenproposed. future research.
Someofthesecontinuetoshapethefaceofjustice Because it is important to understand the past to
-
researchtoday,whereasothershavefallenintorela evaluate new theories and models, we preview our
-
tiveobscuritybytheirinabilitytowithstandempiri presentation of the model by a discussion of major
cal scrutiny. All have contributed to the history of shifts in justice research and how they are addressed
justice research. by the group engagement model. We also explicitly
distinguish the group engagement model from earlier
Requests for reprints should be sent to Tom R. Tyler, Depart- models that contributed to its development, and then
ment of Psychology, New York University, 6 Washington Place, provide a more in-depth treatment of the model and
Room 550, New York, NY 10003. E-mail: tom.tyler@nyu.edu the propositions it raises for future research.
349
TYLER AND BLADER
The History of Social Justice Research Huo,1997;Tyler&Smith,1997).Thisdoesnotmean,
of course, that people no longer study distributive jus-
tice, but that there is a particularly strong focus in cur
The Shift From Distributive to -
Procedural Justice rentresearchonissuesofproceduraljustice.Thisfocus
Early research on justice focused on the argument is embodiedinthegroupengagementmodelbythekey
that people’s feelings and behaviors in social interac- role it accords to procedural justice.
tions flow from their assessments of the fairness of
their outcomes when dealing with others (distributive The Focus on Treatment Issues in
fairness). This hypothesis was widely supported. In Definitions of Procedural Justice
particular, experimental studies showed that people A second important shift in justice research has
were most satisfied when outcomes were distributed been a change in how procedural justice is defined.
fairly (Walster, Walster,&Berscheid,1978).Whatwas Earlyworkonproceduraljusticewasguidedbythein-
moststriking and provocative about these results were fluential research program of Thibaut and Walker
the adverse reactions by those who received more than (1975). Thibaut and Walker centered their procedural
theyfelt they deserved; people did not react well to be- justice studies on procedures as mechanisms for mak-
ing‘over-benefited.’Thisfindingsuggestedthatpeople ing decisions about the allocation of outcomes. In par-
will give up resources and accept less when they be- ticular, they focused on formal procedures that related
lieve doing so is fair. to decision-making processes in legal settings. So
Despite the impressive findings of early studies of Thibaut and Walker linked their discussions of proce-
distributivejustice,thefocusofattentionamongjustice dures primarily to issues of decision making, and in
researchershasincreasinglyshiftedawayfromstudying particulartoissuesofdecisionmakingaboutallocation
onlydistributive justice to a focus on people’s distribu- decisions. Because their procedural models were
tive and procedural justice concerns. A number of fac- rooted in an era in which distributive justice domi-
torshavedriventhisshift.First,researchshowsthatdis- nated, their focus was natural. This context also influ-
tributive justice judgments are often biased (e.g., enced their theory development, because they linked
Messick&Sentis,1985;Ross&Sicoly,1979;Thomp- people’s desire for fair procedures to their desire to
son&Loewenstein,1992).Thislimitstheutilityofdis- achieve equitable outcomes. They proposed that peo-
tributivejusticeasaconstruct,becausepeoplewilloften ple value procedural justice (operationalized in their
see themselves as deserving more favorable outcomes research as voice or process control) because it facili-
than others see them as deserving. As a result, people tates decision makers’ ability to make equitable judg-
frequentlycannotbegivenwhattheyfeeltheydeserve, ments.Inotherwords,proceduresarevaluedinsofaras
and distributive justice has not proven as useful in re- theyaffecttheoutcomesthatareassociatedwiththem.
solving group conflicts as was initially hoped. This focus on decision making in allocation con-
A greater focus on procedural justice issues was texts is no longer true of procedural justice research.
also driven by later studies that looked simultaneously Researchers have increasingly moved their attention
at the impact of distributive and procedural justice away from an exclusive focus on the decision-making
judgments and found a predominant influence of pro- function of procedures to include more attention to the
cedural justice on people’s reactions in groups (Alex- interpersonal aspects of procedures. Those interper-
ander&Ruderman,1987;Tyler&Caine,1981).These sonal aspects of procedures arise because procedures
studies, conducted in settings in which people had in- are settings within which people are involved in a so-
formation about both distributive and procedural jus- cialinteractionwithoneanother.Thisistrueregardless
tice, found that procedural justice judgments play the ofwhethertheprocedureinvolvesbargaining,amarket
major role in shaping people’s reactions to their per- exchange, team interaction among equals, or a third
sonal experiences. More recent research echoes these -
party procedure with a decision maker, such as media
findings about the relative impact of procedural and tion or a trial.
distributive justice concerns (Tyler & Blader, 2000). In In social interactions there is considerable variation
addition, peoplewhowereaskedtotalkaboutpersonal in the manner in which people treat one another. They
experiences of injustice were found to talk primarily canactpolitely, rudely, respectfully, with hostility, and
about procedural issues, in particular about being soon.Theseaspectsoftheinterpersonalexperienceof
treated with a lack of respect when dealing with others aprocedure—whichoccurinthecontextofaninterac-
(Messick, Bloom, Boldizar, & Samuelson, 1985; -
tion whose overt purpose is to make a decision to allo
Mikula, Petri, & Tanzer, 1990). cate resources or resolve a conflict—may also influ-
Justice research has followed the path outlined by ence those who are involved.
this evidence because it finds that the primary impact Anexampleofthisshiftfromanexclusivefocuson
on people comes from their judgments about the fair- decisionmakingtoafocusthatincludesattentiontothe
ness of procedures (see Tyler, Boeckmann, Smith, & interpersonal quality of the interaction can be found in
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JUSTICE, IDENTITY, AND BEHAVIOR
the literature on voice or process control. In the early findingsaboutwhatimpactsthepeopletheystudy.This
workofThibautandWalker(1975),theopportunityto has led them to increasingly turn their research toward
presentevidencewaslinkedtothedesiretoinfluencethe exploring interpersonal or interactional aspects of pro-
decisions made by third party decision makers. The cedures—which are reflected in judgments about the
valueoftheopportunitytospeakwasdirectlyrelatedto quality of one’s treatment by others.
their estimate of how muchinfluencetheyhadoverthe Thegroupengagementmodelnotonlyincorporates
decision maker. Consequently, in this research people this shift in the focus of how justice is defined—by in-
corporating quality of treatment issues—but also pro
werenotaskedaboutwhethertheyweretreatedpolitely -
andwithdignity by the decision maker. vides a framework for understanding why this class of
However,laterstudiesofvoicesuggestedthathaving procedural criteria has the impact that it does.
the opportunity for “voice” had interpersonal or
“value-expressive”worththatwasnotlinkedtoanyin Moving From Anger and Negative
-
fluence over the decisions made (Tyler, 1987). These Behaviors to Positive Attitudes–Values
studies showed that people still rated a procedure to be and Cooperative Behaviors
morefairiftheyhadvoice,eveniftheyknewthatwhat Earlyresearchonjusticewasrootedintheliterature
theysaidhadlittleornoinfluenceonthedecisionsmade onrelative deprivation, a literature whose origins lie in
(Tyler, Rasinski, & Spodick, 1985). This was true even efforts to understand and explain riots and rebellion
whentheopportunityforvoicecameafterthedecision (Crosby, 1976; Gurr, 1970). This focus on negative at-
wasalreadymade(Lind,Kanfer,&Earley,1990).These titudes and behaviors continued in later efforts to un-
findings suggest that voice has value beyond its ability derstand distributive influences on pay dissatisfaction,
to shape decision-making processes and outcomes. employeetheft, sabotage and turnover, and procedural
Whatfactorsaredrivingtheinfluenceofvoice,even effects on resistace to third-party decisions (Tyler &
whenitclearlycannotaffecttheeventualoutcomeorde- Smith, 1997). However, recent research on procedural
cision?Ifanauthoritylistenstopeople’sarguments,we justice has increasinglyfocusedonmoreprosocialout-
mighthypothesizethatpeoplethinkthattheauthorityis comes,suchashowtobuildtrust,encourageresponsi-
conferringinterpersonalrespectonthatperson.Thisar- bility and obligation, generate intrinsic motivation and
gument was supported by the finding that people only creativity, and stimulate voluntary cooperation with
value such voice opportunities if they feel that the au- others (Tyler & Blader, 2000). Similarly, there has
thority is “considering” their arguments (Tyler, 1987). been increasing attention to exploring when justice
This suggests that people were focused on whether or motivations encourage people to provide resources to
not they had their concerns and needs in the situation the disadvantaged (Montada, 1995). Interestingly, this
treated respectfully by the decision maker, independ- shift is consistent withashiftthathasbeentakingplace
entlyofwhetherornotthecourseofactiontheyrecom- within psychological research more generally (Snyder
mendtoresolvethoseconcernswasadopted. & Lopez, 2002).
Other research on people’s procedural justice con- This broadening of the focus of justice research is
cerns directly measured people’s focus on the quality consistent with the group engagement argument that
of their interpersonal treatment (“standing” or “status justice theories provide a basis for understanding peo-
recognition”), and found that it had an effect that was ple’s generalrelationshiptogroups.Thatincludesboth
distinct from their interest in the fairness of deci- people’s negative reactions to injustice and the ability
sion-making judgments. Drawing on these findings, -
the relational model of authority (Tyler & Lind, 1992) ofjusticetomotivateengagementandcooperation.So
explicitly included issues of interpersonal treatment ciety, after all, does not just want people not to riot or
within the framework of procedural justice concerns. destroy. It also wants them to be happy, creative, and
The relational model, therefore, directly recognized productive.
the importance of interpersonal treatment. Subsequent
studies confirm that issues of interpersonal treatment Models of the Psychology of Justice
or standing independently shape procedural justice
judgments (Tyler, 1988, 1994; Tyler & Huo, 2002). While continually supporting the basic importance
Theseinterpersonalaspectsofprocedureshavebeen ofpeople’sjusticejudgments,theseshiftsinfocushave
foundbyrecentstudiestobesopowerfulintheirimpact resultedinadramaticchangeinthecharacterofjustice
that some researchers have argued that they might po- researchsincethe1960s.Infact,earlyjusticeresearch-
tentially be treated as a separate type of “interactional” ers mighthavetroublerecognizingmanyrecentjustice
-
justice (Bies & Moag, 1986; Tyler & Bies, 1990). Re studiesasbeingaboutjustice—atleastastheyoriginally
gardlessofwhetherthequalityofthetreatmentthatpeo- understoodthatconstruct.Insteadofviewingjusticeas
ple experience via procedures is actually considered a residingintherulesusedinthedistributionofresources
distinct form of justice (see Blader & Tyler, 2003a, in a group, justice is more recently viewed as being
2003b), justice researchers have again followed their strongly linked to quality of treatment issues, such as
351
TYLER AND BLADER
treating people with politeness and dignity in social in- of procedural justice when dealing with members of
teractions.Itisalsofocusedonstimulatingcommitment their own groups (Tyler, 1999). The relational model
andcooperation, rather than minimizing anger and de- predictsthatproceduraljusticewillinfluencereactions
structive behaviors. to authorities, as has been subsequently found by stud-
We argue that these changes—which were guided ies of legal, political, managerial, familial, and educa-
by the empirical results of justice research—can best tional authorities (Tyler & Smith, 1997). It further pre
-
be understood by considering the psychological dy- dicts that relational concerns—in particular neutrality,
namics underlying justice. That is, they can be ex- trustworthiness, and status recognition—will influ-
plained by considering the psychological processes ence procedural justice judgments, an argument sup-
that lead people to react to issues of justice or injustice ported by a number of studies (Tyler, 1989, 1994; Ty-
whenthey are dealing with others. Much early justice ler, Degoey, & Smith, 1996).
research was focused on showing that justice matters, Howdoesthegroupengagementmodeldifferfrom
that is, on demonstrating that people’s thoughts, feel- these earlier, empirically supported models? First, the
ings, and behaviors are shaped by their justice judg- group engagement model is broader in its scope. The
ments,suggestingthatinformationaboutjusticeiscen- objective of the model is to identify and examine the
tral to people’s evaluationsofsocialsituations(Tyleret antecedents of attitudes, values, and cooperative be-
al., 1997; van den Bos & Lind, 2002). However, to de- havior in groups. Hence, the group engagement model
velop a deeper understanding of why these effects broadens the focus of justice studies and its predeces-
emerge—andwhytheshiftsinresearchfocuswehave sormodelsofjusticebypositingageneralmodelofthe
outlined have occurred—we need to pay attention to relationship between people and groups. In trying to
the psychology underlying justice. understand the precursors of people’s engagement in
Several models have been proposed to understand the their groups, it identifies and examines a much broader
psychologyunderlyingproceduraljustice. We will be fo- set of variables—and dynamics between those vari-
cusing here on a set of models that share an emphasis on ables—than earlier justice models.
the relational implications of justice evaluations. These Second, several new ideas and hypotheses flow
models represent a significant systematic research pro- from the group engagement model. It predicts that
gramdesignedtounderstandthepsychologyofjustice.In identity judgments will be the primary factors shaping
particular, we will be presenting our group engagement attitudes, values, and cooperative behaviors in groups.
model, which integrates the insights of the earlier group Second, it predicts that resource judgments will most
value (Lind & Tyler, 1988) and relational models (Tyler strongly influence attitudes, values, and discretionary
&Lind,1992)andextendsthoseinsightsintoanexplana- cooperative behaviors in groups through their indirect
tion for why procedural justice shapes cooperation in influence on identity judgments, rather than directly.
groups, organizations, and societies. The relationship Third, it predicts that the primary antecedent of iden-
amongthese three models is shown in Table 1. tity judgments will be judgments about the procedural
The models differ first in their focus. The justice of the group. Fourth, it predicts that status judg-
group-valuemodelfocusesontheantecedentsofjudg- mentsaboutprideandrespectwillshapeidentification
ments of procedural justice. The relational model ex- withthegroup.Eachofthesenovelpredictionsiselab-
plores the factors shaping reactions to authorities. The orated on in the next section.
modelsalsodifferintheirpredictions.Thegroup-value
modelpredicts that noninstrumental factors will influ-
ence procedural justice judgments, a prediction con- The Group Engagement Model
-
firmed both by findings of noninstrumental voice ef
fects (Lind, Kanfer, & Earley, 1990; Tyler, 1987), and As noted, the key objective of the group engage-
by demonstrations that people care more about issues -
ment model is to understand what shapes the relation
Table 1. Comparison of Models of Procedural Justice
Model Focus of Concern Value Added by Model
Group-value model Procedural justice judgments Noninstrumental factors influence judgments about procedural justice
Relational model Authority relations, leadership Procedural justice shapes reactions to authorities
Relational concerns (neutrality, trustworthiness, standing and status
recognition) shape judgments about procedural justice
Group engagement model Attitudes, values, and cooperative Identity judgments directly shape attitudes, values, and cooperative behavior
behavior in groups Resource judgments influence attitudes values, and discretionary
cooperative behavior primarily through their influence on identity
judgments
Procedural justice shapes identity judgments
Pride and respect influence identification with the group
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