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Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
Consider It Done! Plan Making Can Eliminate the
Cognitive Effects of Unfulfilled Goals
E. J. Masicampo and Roy F. Baumeister
Online First Publication, June 20, 2011. doi: 10.1037/a0024192
CITATION
Masicampo, E. J., & Baumeister, R. F. (2011, June 20). Consider It Done! Plan Making Can
Eliminate the Cognitive Effects of Unfulfilled Goals. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology. Advance online publication. doi: 10.1037/a0024192
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology ©2011 American Psychological Association
2011, Vol. ●●, No. ●, 000–000 0022-3514/11/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0024192
Consider It Done! Plan Making Can Eliminate the Cognitive Effects of
Unfulfilled Goals
E. J. Masicampo and Roy F. Baumeister
Florida State University
Unfulfilled goals persist in the mind, as asserted by ample theory and evidence (e.g., the Zeigarnik
effect). The standard assumption has been that such cognitive activation persists until the goal is fulfilled.
However, we predicted that contributing to goal pursuit through plan making could satisfy the various
cognitive processes that usually promote goal pursuit. In several studies, we activated unfulfilled goals
and demonstrated persistent goal activation over time. Unfinished goals caused intrusive thoughts during
an unrelated reading task (Studies 1 and 5B), high mental accessibility of goal-related words (Studies 2
and3), and poor performance on an unrelated anagram task (Study 4). Allowing participants to formulate
specific plans for their unfulfilled goals eliminated the various activation and interference effects.
Reduction of the effects was mediated by the earnestness of participants’ plans: Those who ultimately
executed their plans were those who also exhibited no more intrusions (Study 4). Moreover, changes in
goal-related emotions did not appear to be a necessary component of the observed cognitive effects
(Studies 5A and 5B). Committing to a specific plan for a goal may therefore not only facilitate attainment
of the goal but may also free cognitive resources for other pursuits. Once a plan is made, the drive to
attain a goal is suspended—allowing goal-related cognitive activity to cease—and is resumed at the
specified later time.
Keywords: goal pursuit, self-regulation, plan making, motivation
Supplemental materials: http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0024192.supp
The human mind is remarkably well designed for goal pursuit. 2005). However, the present investigation tested the hypothesis
Attention (Moskowitz, 2002), perception (Bruner & Goodman, that many goal promotion processes cease long before attainment,
1947; Lambert, Solomon, & Watson, 1949; Maner et al., 2005), in particular, when a plan is made.
thoughts (Klinger, 1977), and attitudes (Ferguson & Bargh, 2004) Planning has been studied recently in the form of implementa-
all become tuned to help one pursue a goal. The mind vigorously tion intentions, which are highly specific prescriptions for what to
promotes this intense focus on a goal, protecting it from distrac- do under what circumstances (Gollwitzer, 1999). Such plans turn
tions (Shah, Friedman, & Kruglanski, 2002) and resuming it after control of goal pursuit over to automatic, unconscious processes,
it has been interrupted (Wicklund & Gollwitzer, 1981). Even when which can resume goal pursuit at the appropriate time or place
one is not consciously working toward a goal, the mind keeps the specified in the plan. Once a plan is made, the unconscious knows
goal active in the unconscious (Klinger, 1975; Zeigarnik, 1927), how and when to act, and so in a sense the uncertainty of the
maintaining vigilance for opportunities to fulfill it (Goschke & unfinished task is resolved. The implication for the current work is
Kuhl, 1993; Moskowitz, 2002). that a plan may render many of the cognitive activities related to
Thus, once a goal is chosen, the mind has many processes to the goal unnecessary. We hypothesized that making a plan for a
promote its pursuit. At what point do these subside? The obvious goal would therefore stop various goal-related cognitive processes,
answer is that they cease when the goal is attained. This has been even though the goal remains unfulfilled.
favored in theories of goal pursuit (Klinger, 1975) and has found
support in empirical research (Fo¨rster, Liberman, & Higgins, Making Plans for Action
If most human behavior were guided by one or two goals, it
might be effective for mental processes to promote each goal until
E. J. Masicampo and Roy F. Baumeister, Department of Psychology, attainment. But at any given time, the average North American
Florida State University. student reports 15 ongoing personal projects (Little, 1988), not to
This research was supported in part by a grant from the Templeton mention the more short-term goals, such as getting dressed and
Foundation. Thanks to Teresa Chimienti, Samantha Fisch, Kaylla Futch, brushing teeth. Even if the unconscious mind has the capacity to
Shaun Harkin, Mike Hoesten, Kelsey Muldoon, Maggie Murphy, Jessica promoteall 15 goals simultaneously (Dijksterhuis, Aarts, & Smith,
Patz, Allison Ross, Kayla Sedgwick, Erin Sweeney, and Chris Thorstenson 2005), the limited resources of the executive function cannot
for their suggestions and help with data collection.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to E. J. pursue multiple goals at once (James, 1890). Even more important,
Masicampo, who is now at the Department of Psychology, Tufts Univer- whenthe executive is working toward one goal, it cannot function
sity, Medford, MA 02155. E-mail: ej.masicampo@tufts.edu effectively if it is frequently bombarded with distracting reminders
1
2 MASICAMPOANDBAUMEISTER
of the other 14 (Masicampo & Baumeister, 2011). This creates a active in memory and intruding during subsequent tasks. We
dilemma: How can the person pursue multiple goals despite the examined whether thoughts of unfulfilled goals intruded during
limited resources of the executive function? reading tasks (Studies 1 and 5B), remained highly accessible in
One elegant solution to the action control dilemma has been memory over time (Studies 2 and 3), and interfered with perfor-
proposed by Gollwitzer and his associates (Gollwitzer, 1999; Goll- mance on a problem-solving task that was unrelated to the goal
witzer & Schaal, 1998). Essentially, the effortful control of goal (Study 4). In each study, we also examined whether the various
pursuit can be ended by passing control over to automatic re- goal-related effects were eliminated by allowing participants to
sponses linked to situational cues. The crucial step in this transfer form plans for their goals.
is the formation of a specific behavioral plan, often in the form of Our emphasis was on highly specific plans of action, which
“if [or when] X happens, I will do Y.” Many studies have con- facilitate goal pursuit much more than do broad, generic intentions
firmed that such plans produce much more favorable and reliable (Gollwitzer, 1999; Gollwitzer & Brandsta¨tter, 1997). Therefore, in
outcomes than broad intentions to pursue a goal (Gollwitzer & each of the present studies, we asked participants to commit to
Sheeran, 2006; Webb & Sheeran, 2006). plans that specified how, when, and where they would attain their
The inclusion in one’s plans of how, when, and where one will goals.
act is crucial if a plan is to produce the benefits revealed in prior The present work also examined various aspects of the mecha-
work(e.g., Gollwitzer, 1999). As stated above, specific plans work nism underlying the hypothesized effects. We predicted that plans
well because they transfer control of goal pursuit to the automatic would cause goal activation to cease because control of goal
system. In order for that transfer to occur, the automatic system pursuit is passed over to the automatic system. If that is true,
must know how and when to respond. Inclusion of such informa- reductions in goal activation should occur specifically among
tion allows plans to be executed even if mental resources are low people who ultimately execute their plans, a pattern that we tested
(Webb & Sheeran, 2003) or one is distracted (Brandsta¨tter, Leng- in Study 4. Moreover, some theories of goal accessibility posit a
felder, & Gollwitzer, 2001). A specific plan is like a script that a tension that keeps unfulfilled goals active in the mind (e.g., Lewin,
person can follow mindlessly to completion. 1935), and so we examined whether a reduction in such tension
Post-Plan Reductions in Goal-Related Cognition (i.e., anxiety) after plans are made might contribute to changes in
cognition (Studies 5A and 5B). Together, the six studies sought to
Because plans are executed without requiring much care or examine and clarify the effect of plans on goal-related cognitive
effort, we expected that many of the cognitive processes that serve activity. The main hypothesis was that plans would drastically
goal pursuit might be reduced after plans are made. Indeed, if those reduce the cognitive activity that typically accompanies unfulfilled
various cognitive processes are no longer necessary, they may goals.
cease altogether. If so, that would reveal one exception to the
notion that unfulfilled goals remain active in the mind until com- Study 1: Eliminating Intrusive Thoughts
pletion or disengagement (Fo¨rster, Liberman, & Friedman, 2007;
Fo¨rster et al., 2005; Klinger, 1975; Martin & Tesser, 1989). The Study 1 served as an initial test of the hypothesis that making a
core hypothesis for the present work was therefore that much of plan for a goal could eliminate thoughts of unfulfilled goals (akin
the cognitive activity associated with goals may cease once a plan to Zeigarnik intrusions) and their side effects. First, we activated
is made, even though the goal remains unfulfilled. unfulfilled goals and sought to show that thoughts of those goals
The hypothesis that planning reduces goal-related cognition is wouldintrude during a later reading task, thereby reducing reading
highly counterintuitive, because a plan brings the goal closer to comprehension. The novel hypothesis was that allowing partici-
fruition, and many accounts have assumed that goal focus in- pants to make plans for their unfulfilled goals would eliminate
creases as one approaches fulfillment (Lewin, 1935; Miller, 1944). those effects.
Asemantic spreading account is also consistent with the hypoth- Participants wrote about two important tasks that they needed
esis that a plan could increase the goal’s influence. Elaborating on to complete. Some participants then formed a plan to fulfill
a goal by making a plan should, if anything, make the goal more those. In a control condition, participants wrote about tasks that
active and accessible in the mind (Craik & Lockhart, 1972). they had recently completed. During a later reading task, we
Yet the reduction in cognitive activity seems precisely the assessed mind wandering, defined as the tendency to attend to
function of forming specific plans. If the mental apparatus is to
function effectively at pursuing multiple goals with limited cog- matters unrelated to a current task, with a paradigm adapted
nitive resources, then it is imperative to reduce cognitive work on from Smallwood, McSpadden, and Schooler (2008). We also
some goals well before they are attained. Once a plan is formed, obtained self-reports of intrusive goal-related thoughts and con-
the need to search for means to reach that goal is sharply reduced. ducted a test of reading comprehension. We predicted that
One needs only to watch for the already identified circumstances participants writing about unfulfilled tasks would exhibit more
for implementing the plan (e.g., Webb & Sheeran, 2007). Most intrusive thoughts about those tasks, more mind wandering, and
cognitive resources can profitably be redirected to other pursuits. less reading comprehension than would control participants.
The more novel prediction was that formation of plans for
The Present Research completing the unfulfilled tasks would eliminate those effects.
In that condition, then, reading performance would be good and
In several studies, we activated unfulfilled goals and examined would not be perturbed by intrusive thoughts of the unfulfilled
the extent to which those goals persisted in the mind, remaining goals.
PLANS COUNTERACT COGNITIVE EFFECTS OF GOALS 3
text and was very much paying attention to the story.” A second
Method
response stated “I was reading the text, but my attention was
Participants were 73 undergraduates (49 women, M 19.2 elsewhere.”
age
years, SDage 1.71) who arrived at the lab individually for a study Participants read one word at a time, moving to the next word by
dealing ostensibly with two different topics: daily tasks and read- hitting the space bar. Prompts appeared four times to assess
ing comprehension. All tasks and instructions were administered whether participants’ attention had wandered from the story. After
on a computer through MediaLab (Jarvis, 2008). Each participant the reading, participants indicated on scales from 1 (not at all)to
was randomly assigned to one of three conditions: unfulfilled 7(very) how well they were able to focus on the story and to what
tasks, plan, or control. In the unfulfilled tasks condition, partici- extent they were distracted by thoughts of the tasks they had
pants were asked to think of two tasks or errands that they needed written about earlier. Participants also answered eight reading
to complete. They were asked to select tasks that were important, comprehension questions (see online supplementary material). Af-
needed to be completed in the next few days, and were not a part ter participants filled out a demographics sheet, they were probed
of their regular routine (i.e., they did not complete them on a daily for suspicion with a funneled debriefing procedure. The experi-
or weekly basis). In addition, it was indicated that they should not menterexplainedthenatureofthestudyanddismissedparticipants
yet know when, where, or how they would complete the tasks. from the lab.
Participants described the two tasks, explained their importance,
and indicated what would happen if they did not complete them.
Participants also indicated the importance of completing each task Results
on a scale from 1 (not at all important)to7(very important).
The plan condition was identical to the unfulfilled tasks condi- Four participants suspected that the two parts of the study were
tion except that participants were asked to make plans to complete related. Each guessed that our prediction was that writing about
each task. Participants were asked to indicate in detail how, when, unfinished tasks would distract them during the reading. Those
and where they would complete the tasks. Participants in the participants were excluded, thus leaving 69 participants in the final
unfulfilled tasks condition and the plan condition indicated to what analysis.
extent they expected to be able to complete each task on scales The tasks and errands that participants described were similar
from 1 (not at all expect)to7(very much expect). We calculated across the three experimental conditions. The various types of
the average expectation of the two tasks for each participant. An tasks along with examples are available in the online supplemen-
independent samples t test indicated no significant difference in tary material. There was no significant variation across the three
2
expectations between the unfulfilled tasks group (M 6.28, SD conditions in prevalence of any of the five types of tasks ( s
1 3.06, ps .21). Hence, the types of tasks that participants de-
0.75) and the plan group (M 6.28, SD 0.65, t 0.1, p .98).
The control condition was similar to the unfulfilled tasks con- scribed did not differ by condition.
dition except that participants were asked to describe two tasks that Zeigarnik intrusions, focus, and mind wandering. The
they completed in the last several days. All instructions in that mainmeasureofactivationfromunfulfilledgoalswastheextentof
condition were therefore in the past tense (e.g., “What would have participants’ Zeigarnik intrusions: Participants reported to what
happenedifyoudidnotcompletethetasks?”).Asintheunfulfilled extent they were distracted during the reading by thoughts of the
tasks and plan conditions, control participants indicated the im- tasks they had writtne about earlier. Results from an ANOVA
portance of completing each task. We calculated the average revealed a significant effect of condition on self-reported intrusive
importance of the two tasks for each participant. An analysis of thoughts, F(2, 68) 4.67, p .013, 2 .13. A planned
p
variance (ANOVA) indicated no significant variation in task im- comparison indicated that participants in the unfulfilled tasks
portance between the unfulfilled tasks group (M 6.04, SD group reported being significantly more distracted by task-related
0.99), the plan group (M 6.50, SD 0.62), and the control thoughts (M 3.00, SD 1.90) than did participants in the
group (M 6.32, SD 0.96, F 1.4, p .26). control group (M 1.82, SD 1.44), F(1, 66) 7.46, p .01,
All participants then completed a reading comprehension task 2 .10. Those in the plan group reported significantly fewer
p
for which they read the first 3,200 words of The Case of the Velvet task-related thoughts (M 1.77, SD 1.06) than did those in the
Claws by Erle Stanley Gardner. This task was adapted from 2
unfulfilled tasks group, F(1, 66) 6.41, p .014, .09. There
p
previous work on mind wandering (Smallwood et al., 2008). The wasnodifference between those in the plan group and those in the
experimenter told participants that they would be reading a text control group (F 0.01, p .93). Forming plans for one’s tasks
from a popular novel and that they would later answer questions thus eliminated Zeigarnik intrusions.
about the plot. The experimenter asked participants to focus all of
their attention on the task, but the experimenter acknowledged that
people often zone out while reading. The experimenter told par- 1 That plans did not affect goal-related expectations replicates findings
ticipants that they would be asked about their attention at various in previous research. Planning has been found to have no effect on how
points throughout the task. Participants were told that they would confident people are that they will attain their goals, people’s attitudes
occasionally see a prompt asking them to indicate whether their toward the goals, and to what extent people endorse the intention to attain
attention had wandered from the story. Participants familiarized the goals (Orbell, Hodgkins, & Sheeran, 1997; Sheeran & Orbell, 1999;
themselves with a sample prompt so that, during the actual task, Sheeran, Webb, & Gollwitzer, 2005; Webb & Sheeran, 2008). The con-
clusion from such findings has been that specific plans facilitate success
they could answer it quickly and return to the reading. The prompt not by altering feelings, attitudes, motivations, or expectations but rather by
asked “Prior to the appearance of this screen, was your attention creating automatic, goal-directed responses to situational cues. The key
on- or off-task?” One response option stated “I was reading the component is thus one of preparation rather than expectation.
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