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Management Department Faculty Publications Management Department
2009
OrOrganizational ganizational NarNarcissism and cissism and VirVirtuous Behatuous Behavior vior
Dennis Duchon
University of Nebraska-Lincoln, dduchon2@unl.edu
Brian Drake
University of Texas at San Antonio, brian.drake@utsa.edu
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Published in Journal of Business Ethics 85 (2009), pp. 301–308; doi: 10.1007/s10551-008-9771-7
Copyright © 2008 Springer. Used by permission.
Organizational Narcissism and Virtuous Behavior
Dennis Duchon, University of Tennessee, Knoxville
Brian Drake, University of Texas at San Antonio
log to an individual’s personality (Whetten, 2006),
Abstract essentially determines whether or not that organi-
Extreme narcissistic organizations are unable to behave ethi- zation will be a moral agent (MacIntyre, 2007). Sec-
cally because they lack a moral identity. While such organiza- ond we argue that organizations can adopt collec-
tions are not necessarily unethical intentionally, they become tive narcissistic identities that will produce wrong
self-obsessed and use a sense of entitlement, self-aggrandize- (i.e., non-virtuous) behavior. This happens because
ment, denial, and rationalizations to justify anything they
do. Extreme narcissistic organizations might develop formal the organization’s narcissistic identity—including the
ethics programs, but such programs will have little effect on corresponding motive to protect its identity—is more
behavior. powerful than a motive to behave morally.
Keywords: organizational narcissism, virtue
Organizational identities
I think what I didn’t understand when I was young
was that corporations have personalities just like Organizations have identities. They are distin-
humans do. It is possible for companies to be guishable; they have names, occupy physical space,
virtuous. and are accorded legal rights much the same as peo-
—Larry Brilliant, Executive Director, Google.org ple. Whetton (2006) defines organizational identity as
the “… central and enduring attributes of an organi-
zation that distinguish it from other organizations”
Introduction (p. 220). These attributes allow the organization to le-
gitimize and substantiate claims of uniqueness that
Ethics is not missing from corporate life, but it can has functional value in terms of its ability to both de-
be obscured or marginalized (Roberts, 2001) by the fine a competitive domain and to present itself as an
character of the corporation itself. That is, a corpo- idealized actor within that domain (i.e., this is what
rate system lacking a virtuous identity can manipu- we are; this is who we are). The attributes structure
late and constrain moral agency (Nielsen, 2006). We activity in the organization as shown in its core pro-
define moral agency as the capacity (1) to make judg- grams, policies and procedures, and they also pro-
ments about the goodness and badness of organiza- vide a reference point for decision making and com-
tional behavior and (2) to take actions that comport munication (i.e., this is what we do; this is how we do
with moral standards. However, rather than being it). This reference point comes to be the foundation
the result of bad intentions or faulty judgments, un- upon which the organization acts – an embodiment
ethical behavior can be a consequence of a corpora- of its assumptions about the world and the organiza-
tion’s self-concept; a consequence of how it defines tion’s role in it. When the internally generated refer-
itself. ence point acquires sufficient mass, it can partially or
Our argument is two-pronged. First, we argue completely eclipse the reference point that prevails
that an organization’s identity, operating as an ana- more broadly external to the organization.
301
302 Duchon & Drake in Journal of Business ethics 85 (2009)
Within the boundaries of an identity, an organi- norms, and routines become established as authori-
zation develops distinctive preferences, commit- tative guidelines for social behavior. These processes
ments, and practices (Whetton, 2006) that reflect col- are argued to be deep and resilient aspects of so-
lectively shared assumptions or ideologies about cial structure (Scott, 2004). Social structures are then
its identity. That is, organizations develop belief both imposed on and upheld by the actors within the
systems or cultures that help the members under- structure. Thus, an institution becomes encoded into
stand behaviorally who they are as a collectivity, an actor through a socialization process and, once in-
how they got that way, what they should be, and ternalized, is transformed into a script of patterned
how they should behave (Hatch and Schultz, 2000; behavior. When the actor behaves according to the
Schein, 1992; Trice and Beyer, 1993). An organiza- script, the institution is enacted (Bjorck, 2004). Insti-
tion’s identity emerges and is shaped as it solves tutional Theory allows conceiving of an organization
adaptation and integration problems, and the or- as exhibiting properties of supra-individual units
ganization’s culture, as an analogue to personality, of analysis that cannot be reduced to the direct con-
will find ways to display those central and endur- sequences of an individual’s attributes or motives
ing attributes that make up its identity. Culture is (Powell and DiMaggio, 1991). Moreover, the institu-
the social mechanism that will transfer the organiza- tion will develop scripts, rules, and routines that are
tion’s identity to new members as the “correct” way consistent with its identity and articulate what is and
to perceive, think, and feel (Schein, 1992, p. 4). As what is not ethical behavior.
Trice and Beyer (1993) put it, being part of a culture
means “…believing what others believe and doing
as they do” (p.5). Among other central and enduring Moral identity
attributes, cultures develop distinctive mechanisms
to cope with uncertainties (Trice and Beyer, 1993) Virtue Theory argues that morality is a function
and thus protect their identities. of an entity’s character: What the entity is and has
Brown (1997) argues that collective entities have will enable dispositions to act in virtuous/unvirtu-
a need for self-esteem. Based on the work of Tajfel ous ways (MacIntyre, 2007). Formal organizations
and Turner (cf. Tajfel, 1972; Tajfel and Turner, 1986; can function like a moral person, and so be consid-
Turner, 1985), Brown contends that “… organiza- ered to possess an institutional character replete with
tions consist in the common social identification of institution- level virtues and vices (Moore and Bea-
participating individuals acting as their organiza- dle, 2006). Weaver (2006) has argued that entities,
tion, and that organizational self-esteem consists of including organizations, can possess a network of
the collective self-esteem of individuals acting as the moral traits rooted in self-concepts and manifested
organization” (1997, 649). Organizations, as social in actions. A moral identity exists when the entity is
categories, exist in their members’ common aware- “…centrally oriented toward a collection of moral
ness of their membership, and so come to take on traits that both define (what) one is and yield tenden-
identities that are parts of their members’ identities, cies toward paradigmatically moral action” (p. 345).
needs, and behaviors. When organization members Moral identity is subject to contextual influences and
are motivated to preserve the part of their self-im- to the waxing and waning of its own salience, but its
age derived from their social category, they are, col- strength will match the degree to which it is a central
lectively, regulating the self-esteem of the social cat- part of the self concept.
egory – the organization. Thus, the organization can Moral identity formed at higher levels capture cog-
regulate collective self-esteem with ego-defensive nitive schemas that direct thought and action and ar-
behaviors, not only to preserve identity, but also range people into roles (Weaver, 2006). These higher-
to enhance the legitimacy of the collective category level identities influence the identities of lower-level
(Brown, 1997). entities such that organizational identities influence
Our notion of identity and regulation of collective individual identities. For example, organizational
self-esteem is consistent with an Institutional The- identities influence the identities of business units,
ory view of organizations (cf. Powell and DiMag- departments, groups, and ultimately individuals. The
gio, 1991). Institutional Theory examines the pro- cognitive and symbolic order provided by the orga-
cesses by which structures including schemas, rules, nization’s identity both guides and delimits the be-
organizational narcissism anD Virtuous BehaVior 303
havior of individuals acting on the organization’s be- be problematic. The extreme narcissistic organiza-
half. Thus, even though individuals or groups may tional identity seeks to justify and legitimize itself at
be responsible for making decisions in organiza- all costs, with scant reference to market accountabil-
tions, those decisions will tend to be consistent with ity, civic responsibility, or ethical concerns (Ganesh,
the larger system’s moral identity (Weaver, 2006). 2003). Extreme narcissists are entirely self-absorbed,
Therefore, unethical behavior can emerge from orga- out of touch, and not “reality based.” The extreme
nizations unintentionally, even without awareness. narcissistic organization will institutionalize domi-
Unless virtue is a central part of the organization’s nance, control, entitlement, and exploitation (Greg-
self-concept, ethical behavior will never be consid- ory, 1999) to reinforce its maladaptive identity.
ered an appropriate metric or standard to judge the Thus, it is possible to observe organizational attri-
outcomes of decisions. butes and activities that can be used to label a sys-
tem as an extreme narcissist, although notions of
virtue and ethical behavior likely will not be among
Organizational narcissism those attributes.
For example, Stein (2003) suggests that extreme
Narcissism is a term that generally connotes a per- organizational narcissism will possess five charac-
son who possesses an extreme love of self, a grandi- teristic attributes. First, members of a narcissistic or-
ose sense of self-importance, and a powerful sense of ganization will believe their organization to be ex-
entitlement. The American Psychiatric Association traordinarily special and unique. This belief does not
(2000) defines narcissism as a personality disorder reflect normal feelings of pride and accomplishment,
characterized by “a pervasive pattern of grandiosity, but is instead highly exaggerated to the point of de-
need for admiration, and lack of empathy… and is lusion. Second, a powerful sense of self aggrandize-
present in a variety of contexts” (p. 717). The Manual ment and entitlement leads to a kind of unconscious
suggests that narcissistic personality disorder is indi- imperialism or an unconscious omnipotence: The or-
cated by a person exhibiting a range of self-centered ganization is all powerful and anything of potency is
behaviors,1 although a diagnosis of narcissistic per- felt to legitimately belong to it. Such an organization
sonality disorder is somewhat imprecise and mostly cannot recognize that anything of value might exist
the result of a clinician’s judgment. outside its boundaries. Third, the organization be-
Narcissistic behaviors are generally seen as ego- lieves itself to be omniscient; that is, it has access to
defense mechanisms used to bolster a fragile sense all information, both internal and external, that is rel-
of self. Organizations, like people, are also motivated evant to the organization. Fourth, the delusion of the
to protect their collective sense of identity and legit- narcissistic organization allows it not only to be dis-
imacy, and, like people, can also sometimes engage missive of other organizations, people and informa-
in extreme narcissistic behavior. This narcissistic re- tion, but also to treat them with a kind of triumphant
sponse is a coping mechanism intended to protect contempt. Fifth, these attributes are so pervasive that
and preserve the organization’s identity, but extreme they become permanently embedded in organiza-
manifestations can lead to dysfunction, even ruin. tional functioning (Stein, 2003).
People in organizations can collectively get off-track Brown (1997) has argued that extreme narcissis-
in their efforts to protect the system’s identity by be- tic organizations use denial to cope with conflict and
having in ways that reinforce an exaggerated sense of stress. For example, such organizations deny facts
system-self, and by ruthlessly exploiting both other about themselves through spokespeople, annual re-
organizations and members of their own system ports, and myths. They develop plausible and ac-
(Brown, 1997). ceptable justifications for their actions through ra-
Organizations can create structures and processes tionalization. They self-aggrandize by endowing
(enduring attributes) that will reinforce and ex- themselves with a sense of rightness and making
tend a sense of both identity and legitimacy (Brown, claims of their uniqueness. This is done in myriad
1997; Ganesh, 2003). Such efforts to institutionalize ways. For example, they commission flattering cor-
identity are necessary to maintain the organization, porate histories; executives make speeches embed-
and should be seen as normal; however, institution- ded with claims of uniqueness; and they deploy
alizing an extreme narcissistic identity can prove to their office layouts and architecture as expressions
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